Brain-Imaging Techniques for Cognitive Functions Analysis

Brain-Imaging Techniques for Cognitive Functions Analysis Using examples of fMRI, explain how researchers use brain-imaging techniques and discuss what, if anything, these techniques can tell us about cognitive functions. Here is introduced the method of fMRI, how imaging data is gained and at what cost is involved in getting it. Further to this the experimental designs are discussed and how these might add to the toolbox available to the experimental psychologist. A study will be looked at, which has used fMRI imaging to add to the existing knowledge and psychological theories that exist around memory. Last of all some areas of concern are looked at as the structure-function data will continue to grow and expand. Before the use of imaging methods, such as that of fMRI and PET scanning, as Naish (2010) points out, it was possible to discover whether certain parts of the brain were responsible for certain cognitive functions. There were problems with this, often relying on accidental legions meant the more than one function could be damaged or it produced inconsistent findings. Lack of clear resolution resulted in the patient being tested through their life to only discover the underlying neurological damage after death. Kaye (2010) highlights a common critique that the current use of imaging techniques does not provide cognitive psychologists with much. The simple structure-to-function mapping does not improve our understanding of cognitive theories. This has been challenged in Henson’s (2005) review of Tulving (1985) ‘remember’ or ‘know’ memory experiment with the use of fMRI methods. Still, it is important to explore the way that imaging methods work for cont inuing psychological understanding. MRI and to an extent also PET imaging works based on the idea that when a cognitive task is being undertaken both glucose and oxygen will be carried to those area(s) of the brain, which requires it significantly over than that of resting or less activate areas (Johnsrude and Hauk 2010). The imaging technique is sensitive to that increased blood flow and that according to Johnsrude and Hauk (2010) this is used to study the functioning of the brain. This is often known as regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF): alongside this the level of oxygen that is left in blood can also be looked at known as the blood oxygen level dependent (BOLD) contrast, as deoxyhaemoglobin and oxyhaemoglobin produce different magnetic fields (Johnsrude and Hauk, 2010). Although there are some methodological problems with this, such as the lag between neural processing and increased blood flow, it is argued that with the correct design and computer analysis such problems can be dealt with (Henson, 2005). Function al MRI over PET is less intrusive in the sense that more participants can be involved, be studied over a longer time and it is generally easier to maintain. This is due to PET requiring the participant being injected with a radioactive substance which because of health issues rules out who can take part and how many times each participant can undergo PET imaging (Johnsrude and Hauk, 2010). Functional MRI has become the choice of many experimental psychologists. Johnsrude and Hauk (2010) also highlight other issues that make fMRI difficult, but not impossible, the first that the machine itself makes a lot of noise to the extent it can cause hearing damage, it can be constricting and participants cannot move their heads while imaging is taking place. Those with anxiety issues, for example, will find fMRI studies very difficult to take part in but when participants move their heads computers can adjust the images to match up with earlier ones and ear plugs can be worn. Johnsrude and Hauk (2010) present two types of experimental design. Subtractive designs such as that used by Klein et al (1995, cited and explored by Johnsrude and Hauk 2010) is based on the assumption that [cognitive] tasks can be broken down and by adding an additional task between two tasks, the extra load can be subtracted from the two tasks. This allows the extra task to be measured and Klein et al (1995) followed this design. Using native English speakers who later in life learned French, these participants were asked in either language to either repeat the heard word or create a synonym for that word. Speech perception and production would always have to be used, but when asked to create a synonym it would also involve semantic association and word retrieval (cited by Johnsrude and Hauk, 2010). Klein et al (1995) subtracted speech perception and production, allowing them to solely study semantic association and retrieval. They found activation in the prefrontal cortex, perhaps indicating the importance of this region in processing word meaning and response selection. Further to this activation in the basal ganglia in the French synonym task which is linked to motor action a previous known process. The second type of design is that of correlations which Johnsrude and Hauk (2010) highlight as examining the relationship between a presented stimulus or behavioural response along with the associated brain activity. They are relatively simpler than subtractive designs avoiding the interpretation or subtraction of tasks. For example, cognitive states can be examined so signal change in one area can be predictive of activity somewhere else in the brain. If the two areas correlate it could be assumed they are part of the same neural network for the cognitive function either directly or through another region. In this case it is not simple structure-to-function but rather exploring the areas of the brain that are required to perform one cognitive task. Adding or reducing theoretical components to such cognitive tasks. It could be argued that subtractive designs look for differences within known theoretical connected functions, whereas correlational designs look for explorative patterns without assuming such a strong known function-to-structure relationship. Henson (2005) distinguishes between two types of imaging inferences the first function-to-structure deduction and the other structure-to-function induction. The first inference is that of deduction, if one condition activates area one and the second condition activates area two it would be possible to assume that these two different conditions activate different areas within the brain. It does not matter which areas of the brain are activated only that there is a qualitative difference. In terms of function-structure mapping at the psychological function level according to Henson (2005) the only assumption is that the same psychological function (or task) will not give rise to different activation patterns within the brain. For function-to-structure induction the areas of the brain activated are important for each presented condition. Henson (2005) goes on to explain for each presented condition the same area of the brain is activated which can lead to experiments which conditions use the same area of the brain to explain that a certain area of the brain has more than one function but can operate differently depending on the processing task. Rather than there being a disassociation that you would find in deduction there is an association, Henson (2005) argues that in most cases the null hypothesis, therefore has to be accepted, although at the same time this could suggest the abilities and/or limitations of that area of the brain thus results in limitations of that cognitive ability and task. Through psychological manipulations it can be shown that there is a reliable regional dissociations (Henson, 2005). One experiment as mentioned above is that of the remember/know memory experiment that also uses function-structure deduction. The importance of this fMRI study is that it takes psychological theory and determines what the processes are occurring. This experiment presented by Henson (2005) and others is based around the argument that there is either a single-process model such as that presented by Donaldson (1996, cited by Henson, 2005) or a dual-process. Using Tulving (1985, cited by Henson, 2005) participants are asked to indicate if they have seen a stimulus previously and whether they think this because they remember the encounter (remember) or they just think the stimulus seems familiar (know). It was found that within the remember condition the left hemisphere was more responsive while the in the know condition other regions such as the right prefrontal cortex were more activated. The conclusion is that the imaging data support a dual-processing model over the single-process model. Functional MRI imaging was helpful here as behavioural findings could not agree and the debate was in part helped by imaging data. Both deduction and induction results in the function-structure mapping according to Henson (2005). It is important to follow the logic of Henson that imaging data is useful within itself for providing another dependent variable, such is the case if reaction time is being recorded alongside imaging data, that imaging data would provide additional information such as right/left activation of the motor cortex (Henson, 2005). This might not be relevant in all contexts, still it can provide information which could be necessary to the research if that research included or required such information. This is described as function-structure mapping. Henson (2005) argues that the systematic function-structure is an assumption, for deductive areas of the brain to perform certain functions whereas for induction a strong sense of systematicity is necessary. In this case there may be a function that depends on co-activation with at least one, perhaps more regions. In this case a network is what is being observed activated within a condition. Through subtraction analysis, it allows for this test of a ‘neural network’ and McIntosh (1999, cited in Henson, 2005) the function of the area or region of the brain depends on its interaction with other regions (Henson, 2005, referred to this as hot-wiring). Adding to this there might be an activation of a region or area which does produce suppression of other areas or regions. Nelson (2005) calls for the redundancy of networks, to summarize this within a brain damaged patient, it might be that although the function-structure mapping is incorrect for this person. There might be a d ifferent function-structure mapping present. Henson (2005) counter-argues for this position to say that if through trial to trial or from many experiments, it would not be observed that there are reliable or reproducible activations. Most psychologists are also content with the idea that there is a hierarchy of abstraction of functions. For example, visual perception occurs within a region which is divisible into sub-functions. Where colour, form perception and motion perception can occur (Nelson, 2005). However, there is agreement that there needs to be a one-to-one mapping or function-mapping before one can infer structure to function. Henson (2005) calls this the structure-to-function induction, the usefulness of this approach or paradigm will have to stand up by its success or failure. Henson (2005) further argues the fMRI is a recent invention, the computer mapping even so, with such new areas of technology it has to prove itself to be of benefit. So even if mapping critics have a point it will perhaps be years before the value of imaging technique come to be very useful. Currently they can be useful, though by using existing completing cognitive theories which can be settled using imaging data with caution. For Henson (2005) imaging data simply comprise another dependent variable along with behavioural data that can be used to test competing theories. Imaging can determine the circumstance under which a tactile stimulus produces activity in the visual cortex give clues about the mechanisms of sensory integration that are not provided by behavioural data alone (Henson, 2005). There are criticisms of using imaging data, one produced by Coltheart (2004, cited in Henson, 2005) that understanding the hardware does not mean that we then reach an understanding of the neuro software. Henson (2005) argues that it does provide information on performance and on the distribution of the processes while the software is performing. To finally say that once you have the performance data, through behavioural data, the knowledge of the hardware this then can tell you something about software (Henson, 2005). Henson (2005) argues that neuroimaging data can be informative to the experimental psychologist, although there is perhaps too much excitement around such data. No other technique comes close to this ideal of measuring brain activity, if we assume that ideal is measuring activity simultaneously the activity of many individual neurons, we currently are not there but MRI is the best that we currently have. This is still a developing technology, it may in future years wit h advances it can become something quite special. Functional MRI is a relatively safe method and it can be used to replace the more traditional method in the Neuropsychology of relying on accidental brain legions to discover the link between psychological function and structure. The two methods mentioned above, that of subtractive and correlational designs allows for the more traditional dissociations along with associations of areas or regions of the brain. Although fMRI does not study the neural activity directly it is currently one of the best methods for studying activity at levels of relatively high resolution. Still fMRI is relatively new and the computing software more so, so it is likely that in years to come these technologies will improve. This is not to say that such imaging should be a replacement for more traditional methods, above the example of the Remember/Know experiment imaging extends or made clear the already present psychological models. The mainstay of cognitive psychology is behavioural data and imaging should be used alongside. To what Henson argued that imaging data as another dependent variable. This is to say that it won’t always be appropriate to use imaging data still there is excitement about imaging data and as it improves it will become yet another useful tool in the experimental psychologist toolbox. Word count: 2204 References: Naish, P. (2010) Perceptual Processed in: Kaye (2010) ‘Cognitive psychology’ ed, The Open University, Milton Keynes Kaye, H. (2010) Foundations of cognitive psychology in Kaye (2010) ‘Cognitive Psychology’ ed, The Open University, Milton Keynes. Johnsrude, I. S. and Hauk, O. (2010) Neuroimaging: techniques for examining human brain function, ed in: Kaye (2010) ‘Cognitive psychology: methods companion, The Open University, Milton Keynes. Henson, R. (2005) What can functional neuroimaging tell us the experimental psychologist? The quarterly journal of experimental psychology, Issue 58A, pp. 193-233 Lewis Karl Flood

Domestic Violence in America Essay -- Violence Against Women Essays

Domestic abuse in the United States is a large-scale and complex social and health problem. The home is the most violent setting in America today (Lay, 1994). Sadly enough, the majority of people who are murdered are not likely killed by a stranger during a hold-up or similar crime but are killed by someone they know. Not surprisingly, the Center for Disease Control and prevention has identified interpersonal violence as a major public health problem (Velson-Friedrich, 1994). Current estimates suggest that three to four million women are the victims of physical abuse by their intimate partners (Harris & Cook, 1994). According to the FBI, some form of domestic violence occurs in half of the homes in the United States at least once a year (Dickstein, 1988). In reality one out of every six marriages the wife is physically abused. Every fifteen seconds a women is battered in the United States. Daily, four American women lose their lives to their husbands or boyfriends, equaling more than one-third of all female homicide victims (WAC, 1994). These numbers report that too much violence is directed toward women. Historically, domestic violence has been a downplayed and, oftentimes, culturally condoned, American tradition. In the colonial period, laws derived from English common-law permitted a man to beat his wife when she acted in a manner that he believed to be inappropriate. For example, the so-called â€Å"Rule of Thumb† law, which permitted a husband to beat his wife with a stick that could be no larger than the circumference of his thumb, was in effect until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickstein, 1988). The issue of domestic violence, especially wife abuse, first gained national attention in 1974 with the publishing of Scream Quietly or the Neighbors Will Hear by Erin Pizzey, the founder of Chiswick’s Women’s Aid, a shelter in England for battered women. Pizzey’s work helped to stimulate feminist concern and outrage over wife b eating, verbal abuse, financial restrictions and social isolation of women by their husbands (Utech, 1994). Shortly thereafter, the women’s liberation movement, through the National Organization for Women (NOW), advocated for the end of violence against women and sought improved social services for battered wives. NOW also was actively engaged in promoting shelter homes and lobbying congressional leaders for legislation that would... ...t? Because they don’t have the protection they need. The criminal justice system needs to start a victim relocation program for domestic abuse victims. This would ensure their safety and allow them enough courage to leave a horrible situation. In a nation that detests racism and protests animal cruelty then why are women and children still subject to torture and violence in their own homes at the hands of their husbands and fathers? In a politically correct world too many of us still view women and children as inferior, as property. The media portrays women as sex symbols and often with a very noticeable lack of intelligence. Often doctors turn their backs on damage left as the result of abuse because of the fear of embarrassing their patients (WAC, 1994). It is time to declare war on domestic violence. Domestic violence will always be a part of our culture. Women are still not considered equal and historically it was acceptable to beat your wife if she was out of line. Wi th today’s broken marriages and extensive abuse of alcohol and drugs, the matter will only get worse. If strong initiatives are not instilled now, there will be many unnecessary deaths due to the rise in abuse.

Minangkabau (Fundamental of culture, religion, belief and tradition) Essay

The Minangkabau ethnic group, also known as Minang (Urang minang in Minangkabau language), is indigenous to the highlands of West Sumatra, in Indonesia. Their culture is matrilineal, with property and land passing down from mother to daughter, while religious and political affairs are the responsibility of men (although some women also play important roles in these areas). Today 4 million Minangs live in West Sumatra, while about 3 million more are scattered throughout many Indonesian and Malay peninsular cities and towns. The Minangkabau are strongly Islamic, but also follow their ethnic traditions, or adat. The Minangkabau adat was derived from animist beliefs before the arrival of Islam, and remnants of animist beliefs still exist even among some practicing Muslims. The present relationship between Islam and adatis described in the saying â€Å"tradition [adat] founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law founded upon the Qur’an† (adat basandi syara’, syara’ b asandi Kitabullah). B. Historiography In the 14th century, minangkabau people arrived in Negeri Sembilan by Melaka and reached Rembau. They are civilized and able to socialize with the natives very well. Therefore, mixed marriages among them have created Biduanda tribe. Biduanda tribe is the original beneficiary of Negeri Sembilan and community leaders minang to be selected must be from the Biduanda tribe. The biduanda tribe have created a leader of Negeri Sembilan called ‘Penghulu’ and then ‘Undaang’. C. Culture The Minangs are the world’s largest matrilineal society, in which properties such as land and houses are inherited through female lineage. Some scholars argue that this might have caused the diaspora (Minangkabau, â€Å"merantau†) of Minangkabau males throughout the Maritime Southeast Asia to become scholars or to seek fortune as merchants. As early as the age of 7, boys traditionally leave their homes and live in a surau (a prayer house & community centre) to learn religious and cultural (adat) teachings. When they are teenagers, they are encouraged to leave their hometown to learn  from schools or from experiences out of their hometown so that when they are adults they can return home wise and ‘useful’ for the society and can contribute their thinking and experience to run the family or nagari (hometown) when they sit as the member of ‘council of uncles’. This tradition has created Minang communities in many Indonesian cities and towns, whi ch nevertheless are still tied closely to their homeland; a state in Malaysia named Negeri Sembilan is heavily influenced by Minang culture because Negeri Sembilan was originally Minangkabau’s territory (the people believe so by the old story from the ancestor). Due to their culture that stresses the importance of learning, Minang people are over-represented in the educated professions in Indonesia, with many ministers from Minang. The first female minister was a Minang scholar. In addition to being renowned as merchants, the Minangs have also produced some of Indonesia’s most influential poets, writers, statesmen, scholars, and religious scholars. Being fervent Muslims, many of them embraced the idea of incorporating Islamic ideals into modern society. Furthermore, the presence of these intellectuals combined with the people’s basically proud character, made the Minangkabau homeland (the province of West Sumatra) one of the powerhouses in the Indonesian struggle for independence. Today both natural and cultural tourism have become considerable economic activities in West Sumatra. 1. Ceremonies and festivals Minangkabau ceremonies and festivals include:  § Turun mandi – baby blessing ceremony  § Sunat rasul – circumcision ceremony  § Baralek – wedding ceremony  § Batagak pangulu – clan leader inauguration ceremony. Other clan leaders, all relatives in the same clan and all villagers in the region are invited. The ceremony will last for 7 days or more.  § Turun ka sawah – community work ceremony  § Manyabik – harvesting ceremony  § Hari Rayo – Islamic festivals  § Adoption ceremony  § Funeral ceremony  § Wild boar hunt ceremony  § Maanta pabukoan – sending food to mother-in-law for Ramadhan  § Tabuik – Muslim celebration in the coastal village of Pariaman  § Tanah Ta Sirah, inaugurate a new clan leader (Datuk) when the old one died in the few hours.  § Mambangkik Batang Tarandam, inaugurate a new leader (Datuk) when the old one died in the pass 10 or 50 years and even more, must do the Batagak Pangulu. 2. Performing arts Traditional Minangkabau music includes saluang jo dendang which consists of singing to the accompaniment of a saluang bamboo flute, and talemponggong-chime music. Dances include the tari piring (plate dance), tari payung (umbrella dance) and tari indang. Demonstrations of the silat martial art are performed. Pidato adat are ceremonial orations performed at formal occasions. Randai is a folk theater tradition which incorporates music, singing, dance, drama and the silat martial art. Randai is usually performed for traditional ceremonies and festivals, and complex stories may span a number of nights. It is performed as a theatre-in-the-round to achieve an equality and unity between audience members and the performers. Randai performances are a synthesis of alternating martial arts dances, songs, and acted scenes. Stories are delivered by both the acting and the singing and are mostly based upon Minangkabau legends and folktales. Randai originated early in the 20th century out of fusion of local martial arts, story-telling and other performance traditions. Men originally played both the male and female characters in the story, but since the 1960s women have also participated. 3. Crafts Minangkabau songket, the pattern in the lower third representing bamboo sprouts West Sumatra grand mosque with Minangkabau-modern style. Particular Minangkabau villages specialize in cottage industries producing handicrafts such as woven sugarcane and reed purses, gold and silver jewellery using filigree and granulation techniques, woven songket textiles, wood carving, embroidery, pottery, and metallurgy. 4. Cuisine The staple ingredients of the Minangkabau diet are rice, fish, coconut, green leafy vegetables and chili. The usage of meat is mainly limited to special occasions, and beef and chicken are most commonly used. Pork is not halal and therefore not consumed, while lamb, goat and game are rarely consumed for reasons of taste and availability. Spiciness is a characteristic of Minangkabau food, and the most commonly used herbs and spices are chili, turmeric, ginger and galangal. Vegetables are consumed two or three times a day. Fruits are mainly seasonal, although fruits such as banana, papaya and citrus are continually available. Three meals a day are typical with lunch being the most important meal, except during the fasting month of Ramadan where lunch is not eaten. Meals commonly consist of steamed rice, a hot fried dish and a coconut milk dish, with a little variation from breakfast to dinner. Meals are generally eaten from a plate using the fingers of the right hand. Snacks are more frequently eaten by people in urban areas than in villages. Western food has had little impact upon Minangkabau consumption and preference to date. Rendang is a dish which is considered to be a characteristic of Minangkabau culture, and is cooked 4-5 times a year. Other characteristic dishes include Asam Padeh, Soto Padang, Sate Padang, Dendeng Balado (beef with chili sauce). Food has a central role in the Minangkabau ceremonies which honor religious and life cycle rites. Minangkabau food is popular among Indonesians and restaurants are present throughout Indonesia. Nasi Padang restaurants, named after the capital of West Sumatra, are known for placing a variety of Minangkabau dishes on a customer’s table along with rice and billing only for what is taken. Nasi Kapau is another restaurant variant which specializes in dishes using offal and the use of tamarind to add a sourness to the spicy flavor. 5. Architecture Rumah gadang (Minangkabau: ‘big house’) or rumah bagonjong (Minangkabau: â€Å"spired roof house†) are the traditional homes of the Minangkabau. The architecture, construction, internal and external decoration, and the functions of the house reflect the culture and values of the Minangkabau. A rumah gadang serves as a residence, a hall for family meetings, and for ceremonial activities. With the Minangkabau society being matrilineal,  the rumah gadang is owned by the women of the family who live there – ownership is passed from mother to daughter. 6. Oral traditions and literature Minangkabau culture has a long history of oral traditions. One oral tradition is the pidato adat (ceremonial orations) which are performed by panghulu (clan chiefs) at formal occasions such as weddings, funerals, adoption ceremonies, and panghulu inaugurations. These ceremonial orations consist of many forms including pantun, aphorisms (papatah-patitih), proverbs (pameo), religious advice (petuah), parables (tamsia), two-line aphorisms (gurindam), and similes (ibarat). Minangkabau traditional folktales (kaba) consist of narratives which present the social and personal consequences of either ignoring or observing the ethical teachings and the norms embedded in the adat. The storyteller (tukang kaba) recites the story in poetic or lyrical prose while accompanying himself on a rebab. A theme in Minangkabau folktales is the central role mothers and motherhood has in Minangkabau society, with the folktalesRancak diLabueh and Malin Kundang being two examples. Rancak diLabueh is about a mother who acts as teacher and adviser to her two growing children. Initially her son is vain and headstrong and only after her perseverance does he become a good son who listens to his mother. Malin Kundang is about the dangers of treating your mother badly. A sailor from a poor family voyages to seek his fortune, becoming rich and marrying. After refusing to recognize his elderly mother on his return home, being ashamed of his humble origins, he is cursed and dies when a storm ensues and turn him along with his ship to stone. The said stone is located in Air Manis beach and is known by locals as batu Malin Kundang Other popular folktales also relate to the important role of the woman in Minangkabau society. In the Cindua Mato epic the woman is the source of wisdom, while in whereas in the Sabai nan Aluih she is more a doer than a thinker. Cindua Mato (Staring Eye) is about the traditions of Minangkabau royalty. The story involves a mythical Minangkabau queen, Bundo Kanduang, who embodies the behaviors prescribed by adat. Cindua Mato, a servant of the queen, uses magic to defeat hostile outside forces and save the kingdom. Sabai nan Aluih (The genteel Sabai) is about a young girl named Sabai, the hero of the story, who avenges the murder of her father by a  powerful and evil ruler from a neighboring village. After her father’s murder her cowardly elder brother refuses to confront the murderer and so Sabai decides to take matters into her own hands. She seeks out the murderer and shoots him in revenge. 7. Language Location ethnic groups of Sumatra, the Minangkabau is shown in light and dark olive. The Minangkabau language (Baso Minangkabau) is an Austronesian language belonging to the Malayic linguistic subgroup, which in turn belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian branch. The Minangkabau language is closely related to the Negeri Sembilan Malay language used by the people of Negeri Sembilan, many of which are descendants of Minangkabau immigrants. The language has a number of dialects and sub-dialects, but native Minangkabau speakers generally have no difficulty understanding the variety of dialects. The differences between dialects are mainly at the phonological level, though some lexical differences also exist. Minangkabau dialects are regional, consisting of one or more villages (nagari), and usually correspond to differences in customs and traditions. Each sub-village (jorong) has its own sub-dialect consisting of subtle differences which can be detected by native speakers. The Padang dialect has become the lingua franca for people of different language regions. The Minangkabau society has a diglossia situation, whereby they use their native language for everyday conversations, while the Indonesian language is used for most formal occasions, in education, and in writing, even to relatives and friends. The Minangkabau language was originally written using the Jawi script, an adapted Arabic alphabet. Romanization of the language dates from the 19th century, and a standardized official orthography of the language was published in 1976. Denominations ISO 639-3 Population (as of) Dialects Minangkabau min 6,500,000 (1981) Agam, Pajokumbuh, Tanah, Si Junjung, Batu Sangkar-Pariangan, Singkarak, Orang Mamak, Ulu, Kerinci-Minangkabau, Aneuk Jamee (Jamee), Penghulu. Source: Gordon (2005). Despite widespread use of Indonesian, they have their own mother tongue. The Minangkabau language shares many similar words with Malay, yet it has a distinctive pronunciation and some grammatical differences rendering it unintelligible to Malay speakers. 8. Adat and religion Animism has been an important component of Minangkabau culture. Even after the penetration of Islam into Minangkabau society in the 16th century, animistic beliefs were not extinguished. In this belief system, people were said to have two souls, a real soul and a soul which can disappear called the semangat. Semangat represents the vitality of life and it is said to be possessed by all animals and plants. An illness may be explained as the capture of the semangat by an evil spirit, and a shaman (pawang) may be consulted to conjure invisible forces and bring comfort to the family. Sacrificial offerings can be made to placate the spirits, and certain objects such as amulets are used as protection. Until the rise of the Padri movement late in the 18th century, Islamic practices such as prayers, fasting and attendance at mosques had been weakly observed in the Minangkabau highlands. The Padri were inspired by the Wahhabi movement in Mecca, and sought to eliminate societal problems such as tobacco and opium smoking, gambling and general anarchy by ensuring the tenets of the Koran were strictly observed. All Minangkabau customs allegedly in conflict with the Koran were to be abolished. Although the Padri were eventually defeated by the Dutch, during this period the relationship between adat and religion was reformulated. Previously adat was said to be based upon appropriateness and propriety, but this was changed so adat was more strongly based upon Islamic precepts. With the Minangkabau highlands being the heartland of their culture, and with Islam likely entering the region from coast it is said that ‘custom descended, religion ascended’ (adat manurun, syarak mandaki). Bugis (Fundamental of culture, religion, belief and tradition) Religious Beliefs. Almost all Bugis adhere to Islam, but there is great variety in the types of Islam practiced. Most Bugis identify themselves as Sunni Muslims, but their practice, influenced by Sufi tenets, is a syncretic blend that also includes offerings to spirits of ancestors and deceased powerful personages. However, reformist Islamic organizations, especially Muhammadiyah, have gained many adherents in some areas and have established their own educational institutions. The I La Galigo literature preserved in ancient manuscripts ( lontara’ ) describes a cosmology involving an upper-world and an underworld, each of seven layers, and a host of heavenly beings from whom nobles trace descent, but knowledge of details of this literature is not widespread among commoners. The To Lotang, a group of non-Muslim Bugis in Sidrap regency, continue to adhere to an indigenous belief system based on the lontara’ and similar to that of the Toraja to the north, but has had to affiliate with the nat ional Hindu movement to retain legitimacy as a religion. The extent to which Hindu-Buddhist notions have influenced Bugis religious and sociopolitical notions is currently a matter of debate. The I La Galigo literature presents a pantheon of deities ( dewata ) from whom nobles trace descent, but contemporary Bugis argue that this literature basically recognizes a single great God ( Dewata Seuwa à © ) in accord with the monotheism of Islam. Despite this, some of the other deities (e.g., the rice goddess) are still given offerings, even by Muslims. Village Bugis also recognize a panoply of local spirits associated with the house, the newborn, and sacred sites; they are variously termed â€Å"the ethereal ones† ( to alusu’ ), â€Å"the not-to-be-seen† ( to tenrita ), â€Å"evil spirits† ( sà ©tang ), etc. In fact, every object is thought to have its own animating spirit ( sumange’ ), whose welfare must be catered to in order to insure good fortune and avert catastrophe. Religious Practitioners. In addition to Islamic judges ( kali ), imams serve as local leaders of the Muslim community; they conduct Friday worship services, deliver sermons, and  preside at marriages, funerals, and local ceremonies sanctioned by Islam. Small numbers of transvestite priests ( bissu ), traditionally the guardians of royal regalia, still, though rarely, perform rituals involving chants in a special register of Bugis directed to traditional deities recognized in the lontara’. Curing and consecration ceremonies are conducted by sanro, practitioners with arcane knowledge and expertise in presenting offerings and prayers to local spirits. Ceremonies. Besides the celebration of calendric Islamic holidays (Lebaran, Maulid, etc.), Bugis of syncretic orientation perform many domestic consecration ceremonies ( assalamakeng ) involving offerings to local spirits, guardians of the house, supernatural siblings of the newly born, and other such spirits. Some districts and regencies also sponsor festivals marking planting and harvesting, although some of these have become more civic spectacles than religious celebrations. Especially among nobles, weddings are major occasions for the display of status and often involve presentations of local culture, including processions. The bissu rituals, however, increasingly are restricted and performed without large audiences. Arts. Regional dances (e.g., padendang ) are still performed at some ceremonies for the harvest and other occasions, as well as at government-sponsored festivals, but some (e.g., bissu dances) are now rarely performed. Young men enjoy practicing Indonesian martial arts ( pencak silat ) and the traditional sport of maintaining a woven rattan ball ( raga ) in the air with one’s feet and other body parts, excluding the hands. Traditional Bugis houses still abound, and are used as the basis of modern architectural designs, but figurative art is meager in keeping with Islam. Bugis music is also heavily influenced by Middle Eastern models. Music performed on flute ( suling ) and lute ( kacapi ) similar to that in West Java is common. Epic songs of traditional and contemporary martial heroes are still composed and performed, even on radio. Amulets, especially of Middle Eastern origin, are in demand, while Bugis badik, daggers with characteristically curved handles, are prized heirlooms. Gold ornaments and gold-threaded songket cloths are paraded at weddings. Royal regalia are now on display in some local museums. Medicine. While Western medicine has made inroads with the government-established rural medical health centers ( puskesmas ), many illnesses are seen as specifically Bugis and curable only by indigenous practitioners ( sanro ) who use such techniques as extraction of foreign objects, massage, use of bespelled or holy water, and blowing on the patient after the utterance of prayers. Illness may be due to one’s spirit leaving the body when subjected to sudden shock, and certain therapies are directed to its recovery. Invulnerability magic is much prized, with the shadow playing an important protective role. Certain illnesses and misfortunes are inflicted by specific spirits associated with each of the four major elements—fire, air, earth, and water. Death and Afterlife. Islamic notions of heaven and hell are now most influential, although among syncretic Bugis local spirits are still identified as the spirits of deceased rulers and other formerly powerful individuals. Funerals follow Islamic rites, and are not occasions for major redistributions, as among the neighboring Toraja. Memorial gatherings for prayer and a shared meal may be performed at such intervals as forty days after a death. History of the Bugis in Malaysia Traditionally rice farmers, the reputation of the Bugis as seafarers began only after 1670. Defeated in a protracted civil war in their homeland in southwest Celebes (now Sulawesi) in 1669, they started a diaspora and entered into the politics of the Malay peninsula and Sumatra. Under the leadership of Daeng Parani (â€Å"Daeng† is a Bugis noble title), the descendants of Daeng Relaga settled on the Linggi and Selangor rivers and with the creation of the office of the Yam Tuan Muda (Bugis underking), became the power behind the Johor throne beginning from 1722.[2] Conquest of Riau-Johor: After Sultan Mahmud II of Riau-Johor was murdered in  1699, his Bugis bendahara, Abdul Jalil, became the new Sultan. Many locals did not support him as he was not of royal blood [3] and being Bugis, was neither a Malay. Thus, upon ascending the throne, Abdul Jalil killed all the wives of Sultan Mahmud to avoid any future claims to the throne. However, one wife, Che Mi, managed to escape to Minangkabau and gave birth to Raja Kechil.[4] Less than two decades later in 1718, Raja Kechil (then aged 18 or 19) assembled a Minangkabau fleet and ousted Sultan Abdul Jalil, basing his legitimacy on the claim that he was the posthumous son of Sultan Mahmud Shah II. Sultan Abdul Jalil was demoted to Bendahara and he fled to Pahang but was murdered by Raja Kecil’s men.[5] Abdul Jalil’s brother ran amok and killed his own wife and children.[6] Led by Daeng Parani from Selangor in 1722, the Bugis mercenaries who had earlier assisted Raja Kechil in his campaign now changed sides and fought against Raja Kechil. Chain-cladded and using muskets and blunderbusses, Daeng Parani’s warriors drove Raja Kechil out of Riau-Johor where he flee to Siak and founded a new Sultanate. Because the Bugis were not regarded as Malays, Daeng Parani asked Sultan Mahmud’s son, Sulaiman, to become the figurehead ruler, whilst making his own brother, Daeng Merwah, the Yamtuan Muda who would wield true power in the kingdom. For the next 200 years, the Bugis Yamtuan Mudas would be the real power behind the throne. Selangor Sultanate (1745-present): The Bugis first settled in Selangor around 1680. After wielding power in Riau-Johor, the Yamtuan Muda’s family ruled Selangor from there. Wishing to break away from Riau-Johor, Selangor’s Bugis chief, Raja Lumu, traveled to Perak in 1745 and was installed as the Sultan of Selangor by Sultan Muhammad Shah who had become the Sultan of Lower Perak the year previous. Raja Lumu then took the name of |Sultan Sallehuddin Shah and became the first Sultan of Selangor. His descendants rule Selangor to this day. First Bugis-Dutch War (1760): The Bugis and the Malays in Bintan, the capital of Riau-Johor, were always at loggerheads and in 1753, the Bugis decided to leave for Linggi in present-day Negeri Sembilan to begin their own trading center. As they were good traders, ships soon traveled to Linggi to trade and Bintan lost its wealth. In 1760, Sultan Sulaiman asked the Dutch to help  him defeat the Bugis in revenge. Unfortunately for him, the Bugis uncovered his plan and attacked the Dutch first, almost capturing Dutch Melaka. After the Dutch won, Sultan Sulaiman made a fatal mistake by allowing Daeng Kemboja, the defeated Bugis leader, to return to Bintan. That same year, the elderly Sultan Sulaiman died. His son and grandson, who in turn became the sultan, died the following year in quick succession. Many Malays believed that the three sultans were poisoned by the Bugis.[7] The infant Sultan Mahmud Shah III was then installed and with no strong sultan to challenge them, the Bugis once again became powerful in Riau-Johor. Second Bugis-Dutch War (1784): Hostilities between the Bugis and the Dutch was sparked by a dispute over the cargo of a seized English ship. In frustration, the Bugis leader, Raja Haji, began to attack ships in the Straits of Melaka, prompting a failed Dutch attempt to try to blockade Bintan. Supported by Selangor and Rembau, the Bugis then attacked Dutch Melaka. Raja Haji was killed and the Bugis fled to Bintan when vessels from Holland arrived and defeated the Bugis. The Dutch then captured Bintan and took control of Riau-Johor. Sultan Mahmud remained as sultan but the new Dutch Resident, David Ruhde, held the real power. Thus, power in the old kingdom of Riau-Johor passed from the Malays to the Bugis and now to the Dutch.

The Thing Around Your Neck By Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

The short story collection, The Thing around Your Neck, by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, contains twelve short stories about Nigerian characters in either Africa or America. In the collection, it is integrating to see the struggles of the Nigerian characters that straddle two worlds. It is also easy to see individuals act to control their own life, whether it is a woman or a man in the story. The protagonist of each story has the choice to choose whether they will accept, decline, or change the situation of their lives. Through the collection, Adichie emphasizes the importance of the power of individuals based on how they deal with the situation. Through this collection, Adichie attempts to go beyond stereotypes of Nigerians and tells real stories about fictional characters that could possibly exist and the real dilemmas they deal with. According to Ted Talk, Adichie explains how writers like Chinua Achebe and Camara Laye were the cause of her metal shift in her perception of literature. She realized that people like her, who had the characteristics just like her could exist in literature, and so began to write the things she recognized. Also, a critic like John Madera explains in openlettersmonthly.com, Adichie writes, â€Å"stories of women living between worlds, struggling with identity, with mapping, navigating, and trespassing boundaries.† The main argument of this paper is that Adichie uses the protagonists to use their power to control their own lives in situations that areShow MoreRelatedDiscovery Essay977 Words   |  4 Pagesindividual. The places you travel and the people you meet can emotionally revolutionize a self-discovery through unexpected but anticipated terms evoked from curiosity. ‘Swallow The Air’ written by Tara June Winch and ‘The Thing Around Your Neck’ written by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie break the inhibitions of vulnerability, as their ideas represented through cultural contexts and values, lead to an overa ll self-discovery. 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Her family is also very convinced that it is going to be a huge thing for her, they are expecting her to send them presentsRead MoreAnalysis Of Chimamanda Ngozi s The White Tiger And The Complete Persepolis 1935 Words   |  8 PagesChimamanda Ngozi Adichie argues that certain novels â€Å"have an empathetic human quality, or ‘emotional truth,’† which â€Å"is different from honesty and more resilient than fact.† Adiga and Satrapi use â€Å"emotional truth† in The White Tiger and The Complete Persepolis to invoke the readers’ empathy and desire for social justice. Through the characters’ perspectives, both authors break down cultural stereotypes and reveal how consequences from political and social upheavals affect the people close to the